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“This was a long-term Stephen Miller project to destroy the SIV program and basically shut it off.” Miller, the anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim Trump adviser, along with allies throughout the executive branch, added so many new requirements that amid the pandemic the program nearly came to a halt. “This was no accident, by the way,” Crow told me. embassy in Kabul and found a skeletal staff working on visas only part-time. Toward the end of 2019, Representative Jason Crow, a Colorado Democrat, visited the U.S. By 2019, the average wait time for an applicant was at least four years. Year after year, administrations of both parties failed to grant even half the number of visas allowed by Congress-and sometimes granted far less-or to meet its requirement that cases be decided within nine months.
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The program, chronically understaffed and clogged with bureaucratic choke points across multiple agencies, seemed designed to reject people.
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But the SIV program set up so many procedural hurdles-Form DS-260, Form DS- 234, Form I-360, a recommendation from a supervisor with an unknown email address, a letter of employment verification from a long-defunct military contractor, a statement describing threats-that combat interpreters and office assistants in a poor and chaotic war zone couldn’t possibly hope to clear them all without the expert help of immigration lawyers, who themselves had trouble getting answers. In 2009, Congress had created the Special Immigrant Visa to honor the service of qualified Afghans by bringing them to safety in the U.S. Alex McCoy framed the front page of the next day’s New York Times and hung it on the wall of his Harlem apartment.īut the war wasn’t over-not for Afghans, not even for some Americans.Ī week after Biden’s speech, a group of refugee advocates-many of them veterans of the 9/11 wars-released a report on the dire situation of the thousands of Afghans who’d worked at great risk for the United States during its two decades in their country. The rest would be logistics, while the administration turned its attention to domestic infrastructure. We’ll do it responsibly, deliberately, and safely.” The president ended his speech, as he often does, with the invocation “May God protect our troops.” Then he went to pay his respects at Section 60 of Arlington National Cemetery, where many of the dead from the 9/11 wars are buried.Īfterward, Ron Klain, Biden’s chief of staff, said, “When someone writes a book about this war, it’s going to begin on September 11, 2001, and it’s going to end on the day Joe Biden said, ‘We’re coming home.’ ” With firm resolve, Biden had done the hard thing. On April 14, Biden, speaking from the White House, raised his hands and declared, “It’s time to end the forever war.” The withdrawal, he said, would not be “a hasty rush to the exit. But the withdrawal of the last several thousand American troops would begin on that date, in the hope that the Taliban would not resume attacks, and it would end by September 11, the 20th anniversary of the day the war began. “The president has made his decision,” Reichel told McCoy, “and you’ll be very happy with it.” She explained that it was now too late to withdraw all troops by May 1, the deadline in the agreement signed in early 2020 by the Trump administration and the Taliban in Doha, Qatar.
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McCoy was a co-founder and the political director of an organization of progressive veterans called Common Defense, which had been waging a lobbying campaign with the slogan “End the forever war.” McCoy and his colleagues believed that more American bloodshed in a conflict without a definable end could no longer be justified. On April 13, 2021, the day before Biden was to address the country about Afghanistan, a 33-year-old Marine Corps veteran named Alex McCoy received a call from a White House speechwriter named Carlyn Reichel, who was also the National Security Council’s acting senior director for partnerships and global engagement. Check out more from this issue and find your next story to read.